Grundtvig og den engelske liberalisme

Abstract

Grundtvig and The English Liberalism.

By Kaj Baagø.

For those engaged in Grundtvigian research there is nothing new in the statement that Grundtvig’s journeys to England in 1829—31 and his acquaintance with the British people in general had much influence upon his conception of freedom. It is especially after these journeys that he comes forward as an ardent champion of the cause of freedom. But what it was in England, or what were the ideas and viewpoints over there, that inspired him to take up the fight for freedom, has hitherto not been investigated in detail. In regard to this, it is the purpose of this article partly to show that Grundtvig’s conception of freedom was determined by English liberalism and partly to give a more detailed account of Grundtvig’s contact with this movement. While the so-called liberal Danish politicans of his day had got their conception of freedom from the French philosophers of the Rights of Man and their democratic ideas of eqvality, Grundtvig was influenced by the ideas developed by English liberal philosophers like Adam Smith and Jeremy Bentham. The aim of French liberalism was to change the constitution from autocracy to the rule of majority; the aim of English liberalism, on the other hand, was to uphold personal freedom against every form of regimentation.

Adam Smith is the father of English liberalism. In his “Wealth of Nations” he seeks to show, among other things, that the soundest policy is to let the individual shift for himself and promote his own interests in his own way, without interference from the State. Such freedom will benefit society, since emulation and competition will thereby take the place of dullness and sluggishness (see English quotations, pp. 9—12). Smiths view that the interest of the individual is also that of society shows that he belongs to the so-called selfish philosophers (Shaftesbury, Hutcheson, etc.). According to this school man’s natural self-assertion is not pure egoism, but is something positive. If man follows his true nature, there is therefore no danger in absolute freedom. — At the same time, Adam Simth not only occupied himself with problems of national economy, but also applied his ideas of freedom to conditions in the Church and in education in the fifth book of “Wealth of Nations”. Thus he demanded that compulsion should be done away with in education and that the teacher’s salary should be made dependent on his success, and he considered on the whole that private schools were the ideal. In the same way the clergy in the Church should be driven into competition through the abolition of all their monopolistic privileges. — The liberalism, which Smith thus founded with these ideas, was carried further by people like Malthus and Ricardo, and especially by Jeremy Bentham.

Grundtvig s Conception of Freedom. Before we compare Grundtvig’s conception of freedom in the 1830’s with that of English liberalism, we must glance at his earlier utterances about freedom. In his thesis, “The Origin of Grundtvig’s View of History”, Dr. W. Michelsen seems to assert that Grundtvig’s ideas about freedom in the 1830s do not contain anything essentially new in relation to what he, for instance, wrote in his diaries in the years after his graduation. But this view must be strongly disputed. It is quite true that Grundtvig in the years after his graduation (as Dr. Michelsen also shows) was influenced by the Danish reaction against the horrors of the French Revolution, as it was expressed in some articles by the author Rahbek, and he therefore rejected “unlimited freedom”. In the “World Chronicles” (“Verdenskrønikerne”) he also opposed the French democratic ideas as idolatrous. Nevertheless, it is plain that after becoming acquainted with England he speaks of freedom in quite a different way than before.

Expressions used by him in the periodical “Danne-Virke” in 1818 or in his address “On Controversy and Tolerance” to the Synod in 1814 show that Grundtvig at that time supported the demand for freedom of conscience. The State must not use force in matters of faith. But the new “English” conception of freedom, which appears particularly clearly in the famous introductory poem to “Nordens Mytologi” (“The Mythology of the North”) in 1832, demands on the other hand a freedom which develops in conflict — a freedom which shows itself in “powers competing in for precedence”, as the poem just mentioned expresses it. From now on Grundtvig often talks of “freedom of the powers”. The decisive point is now no longer whether, for instance, a man’s faith is the right one, is in accordance with the Creed, but that it is living, which it can only be where it is in conflict. And in order that the conflict of life may unfold itself in every sphere, freedom is essential. This demand for freedom for competitive conflict is entirely in accordance with the view of Englsh liberalism.

This new conception of freedom makes it appearance for the first time in Grundtvig’s writings in “On Freedom in Religion” in 1827. Until then his demand for freedom had “limited” itself to the demand for freedom of conscience. This may be seen, e. g., in his defence of the “pious conveticles” in Fyn and in “Kirkens Gienmæle” (“The Reply of the Church”), both dating from 1825. But in the pamflet just mentioned, dating from 1827, Grundtvig demands a type of freedom in religion like the English one, with a number of different religious communities side by side; and, among others, he uses the argument that the different churches and clergy will thus be forced into a competition which is extremely beneficial to the State. The clergy will educate themselves better, and make more effort, when they have competitors. Influenced by the July Revolution of 1830, and undoubtedly also influenced by English Broad Church theories of the value of a connection between society and the Church, especially for the sake of education (see P. G. Lindhardt: “Civic Institution — Heavenly Guest” in “Dansk Teologisk Tidskrift, 1949, P. 149), he gave up the demand for the separation of Church and State, but continued to demand the same kind of freedom, only now within the State Church. He did this especially in the pamphlet “Den danske Stats-Kirke upartisk betragtet” (“The Danish State Church Impartially Considered”) in 1834. The pledge to abide by the doctrines of the Creed (“Symbolforpligtelsen”) and the “parish bond” (“Sognebaandet” — the law that one must make use of the ecclesiastical ministrations of the clergyman of one’s own parish) should be done away with. In this way the clergy would be set in competition among themselves, and this emulation would rouse up the sluggish and somnolent and produce good and active clergymen. In many writings dating from the 1830’s Grundtvig put forward the same demand.

It is plain that Grundtvig was thus applying the conception of freedom held by English liberalism in the ecclestical sphere, and the question now remains how did he come into contact with it? Here attention must be called in particular to two English periodicals, the “Westminster Review” and the “Edinburgh Review”, of which Grundtvig possessed the annual series belonging to the 1820’s. We have proof that he at any rate read the “Westminster Review” in 1826—27. Just at that time these papers contained articles which demanded that the monopolistic priveleges of the English State clergy should be done away with and, like Grundtvig, argued on behalf of a freedom in Church matters which could promote competition. It is therefore probable that these articles influenced Grundtvig in the 1820’s. Likewise, the “Edinburgh Review” contained views concerning the benefit of the connection between Church and State; like Grundtvig, the “Edinburg Review” considered that thes should not be separated with regard to education. But not only in the Church, but also in education Grundtvig demanded

freedom. Like Adam Smith, he favoured private schools and the abolition of compulsion, and considered that the salaries of the “High-School-teachers” should depend on their success, and that examinations (as in the new London University) should be free. If we compare Grundtvig’s demands for freedom in education with the articles that the “Westminster Review” and the “Edinburgh”, for example, contained about higher education in England, and especially about London University, parallels present themselves here also. It is noteworthy that both the “Westminster Review” and the “Edinburgh Review”, like Grundtvig, carried on an untiring struggle efter 1830 against the dominance of Latin in the school.

Finally, if we glance at Grundtvig’s political views, it is apparent that these, too were determined by his new conception of freedom. After 1830 he was an opponent both of a totalitarian State based on coercion and a democratic State based on eqvality, because both would lead to a tendency towards uniformity, which would destroy competition. Grundtvig was a supporter of the enlightened absolute monarchy combined with the Popular Councils which were established i Denmark in 1834. Besides, one should not let the State order everything, but let “all help themselves” — an expression which Grundtvig calls “the English counsel” and which precisely expresses the fundamental idea of English liberalism. Another basic principle of all government was the principle that all laws should be for “the common good” — an expression which Grundtvig uses again and again and which, of course, is a Danish translation of Benthams utilitarianism. Not least in Grundtvig’s social and social-economic ideas is liberalism clearly to be seen. He opposed the giving of poor relief at the public expense, and laid stress on England’s Poor Laws as a deterrent example (cf. Malthus). He supported full freedom of trade and industry, and was a furious opponent of monopolies and protective tariffs. And finally, in Parliament he voted agaist the proposal to provide a pension for Civil Servante.

Both the “Edinburgh Review” and the “Westminster Review” contained articles about political relations which may have influenced Grundtvigs political views. But naturally it was not through the papers alone that Grundtvig came into contact with English liberalism. That came about first and foremost through his journeys to England in the summer of 1829—31. In those very years the debate about the theories of Free Trade was at its height in the papers and in litterature and in Parliament. It was especially the Corn Law which was the cause of this. Grundtvig’s letters and later writings (especially his lectures “Mands Minde”, of 1838) show that he followed the political debate. Finally, it is noteworthy that Grundtvig’s most important link with England, Sir John Bowring, not only was a close friend of Bentham and the first editor of the “Westminster Review”, but that in the very years when Grundtvig was in England he was engaged in carrying out the ideas of liberalism in practice, e. g., as head of the Parliamentary Committee which was sat up to examine the subject of trade with France. Grundtvig undoubtedly more than once received “a mouthful of politics from his barrel”, as he wrote home to his wife.

In his conception of freedom, Grundtvig followed the common English liberal ideas: to fight against every form of regimentation which limits personal freedom. Every unnecessary limitation of freedom should be avoided for the sake of “the development of human life”. For the competitive struggle must have favourable conditions. When he spoke at the gathering of his friends in 1863, when he was 80 years old, he himself emphasised that it was indeed in England that he had come to realise the indispensability of freedom for this development.