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Social Interaction. Video-Based Studies of Human Sociality.

2018 VOL. 1, Issue 1

ISSN: 2446-3620

DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/si.v1i1.105496

 

 

 

 

Social Interaction

Video-Based Studies of Human Sociality

 


 

SEARCHING FOR TROUBLE:

RECRUITING ASSISTANCE THROUGH EMBODIED ACTION



 

Paul Drew[a]

Department of Language and Linguistic Science. University of York

Kobin H. Kendrick

Department of Language and Linguistic Science. University of York

 

Abstract

The recruitment of assistance constitutes a basic organisational problem for participants in social interaction. The methods of recruitment that we have identified include embodied displays of trouble, which create opportunities for others to give or offer assistance. In this report, we examine one coherent set of such embodied displays in detail: visible searches of the environment. We first distinguish between looking and searching as different forms of embodied action and then describe the specific embodied practices that participants use to produce visible searches.

 

Keywords: recruitment, trouble, search, assistance, request


 

1      Introduction

Requests and offers have generally been treated quite separately, as constituting independent and distinct actions, each with its own morphosyntactic construction, sequential and interactional environments, habitus, and conditions as a speech act (e.g. Searle, 1969; and for a critical review of such conditions, Drew & Couper-Kuhlen, 2014). For instance, a distinction is often made between them in terms of benefactives, with the speaker being regarded as the principal beneficiary of a request whilst the recipient is considered the beneficiary of an offer (Clayman & Heritage, 2014; Couper-Kuhlen, 2014). However, our initial explorations of the claim that requests are preferred over offers (Kendrick & Drew, 2014) have resulted in our beginning to conceptualise these as connected symbiotically as alternative methods for the recruitment of assistance (Kendrick & Drew, 2016). When someone experiences difficulty, for instance in opening the lid of a jar, they may ask for another’s assistance – they may request it verbally or may simply pass the jar to someone standing nearby. It may happen that the person nearby does not wait to be asked but instead verbally offers to open the lid or perhaps simply stretches out their arm to take the jar to open the lid (i.e. without making a verbal offer).


In some situations, someone may anticipate that another person is about to encounter difficulty: They may be on the verge of running into trouble, so that assistance is rendered in such a way that the difficulty is averted. The recruitment of assistance embraces the variety of embodied forms of conduct through which assistance may be solicited or provided, through verbal, vocal, and non-verbal conduct, to resolve difficulties that are experienced, manifest, or anticipated, which disrupt the progressive realisation of practical (embodied) courses of action. It is evident that recruitment of another’s assistance requires us to broaden our analysis to understand how a wider range of linguistic and semiotic resources are deployed and engaged – together with gesture, bodily movement, gaze, and so forth – in a physical setting. This requires what we have traditionally and colloquially termed ‘requesting’ and ‘offering’ (Drew & Couper-Kuhlen, 2014; Floyd et al., 2014; Käkkäinen & Keisanen, 2012; Keisanen & Rauniomaa, 2012; Rossi, 2014; Mondada & Sorjonen, 2016; Stevanovic & Monzoni, 2016).


A fuller account of the theoretical importance of recruitment as underpinning social cooperation and cohesion – in part through shared practices for manifesting or expressing trouble, for recognising or anticipating that another is experiencing or is likely to experience difficulty, and for soliciting or providing assistance to remedy those troubles – is beyond the scope of this report. So too is a consideration of how recognition or anticipation of another’s difficulty and the provision of assistance to resolve this difficulty are key forms of pro-social altruism (on anticipation, see Enfield, 2014). The central matter in this report is the conduct through which a difficulty is made manifest or expressed in such a way that another may recognise that assistance might be needed. Here we amplify our initial observation that embodied displays of trouble constitute a central method for the recruitment of assistance (Kendrick & Drew, 2016) and examine one coherent set of such embodied displays in detail: visibly searching the environment. When one person, Self, displays that he or she is searching for something, Other may recognise that Self’s conduct manifests a difficulty he or she has. It happens quite regularly in interaction that participants display, through visibly searching, that they are having trouble finding a symbol on the computer keyboard, finding a teapot, finding their fork (at the dinner table), locating their piece on a game board, or finding an object in the kitchen. In some respects, this is akin to or parallels studies of the embodied practices involved when speakers search for words (Goodwin & Goodwin, 1986; Hayashi, 2003).


In this report, we explore, from a conversation analytic perspective, how participants’ conduct manifests that they are having trouble finding something, through their visibly searching for something. Our analytic focus is on how ‘searching’ is performed in such a manner as to be understood or recognised by others as searching and thereby as manifesting difficulty e.g. finding or locating something.

 

2      Looking vs. searching

Gaze direction is a fundamental resource for action in interaction (see Rossano, 2013). To begin with, for our purposes, it is worth distinguishing between, on the one hand, someone’s look across a space (a look followed by another look towards its possible or likely object) and, on the other hand, Self’s conduct, which is understood as looking for something, as searching for something that Self is having difficulty finding (for a different though related treatment of the relevance of gaze and the affordances for recruitment of sight lines in an environment, see Backhouse & Drew, 1992). In other words, among the various gazing actions that participants perform (see e.g. Kidwell, 2005 on ‘mere look’ vs. ‘the look’), there is a difference between looking and visibly searching. Whereas looking does not seem to indicate or manifest trouble, the embodied conduct associated with searching exposes to public view that Self is having trouble locating something.


For instance, in this first example in which three women are sitting together, the woman in the middle – Self (Marie) – looks across and downwards to her right. She does so in a slightly delayed response to having been asked by her friend on the right, Rachel, do you have to leave soo:n (.) for a cla:ss? The friend sitting on the left, Lex, then follows Self’s gaze down towards an object on the floor close to her (i.e. to Lex), which turns out to be a cell phone. Lex checks the time then displays or passes the phone to Self in such a way that she can see the time for herself. The recruitment of assistance resulted from Lex having followed the direction of Self’s gaze and discerned what Self was looking at even though that look did not indicate any particular trouble or difficulty on Self’s part. Lex simply anticipated Self’s need to know the time, in order perhaps to be able to answer Rachel’s question about when she has to leave.

 

 

Extract 1.

[GB07_76]

 

 

It should be noted with respect to Self’s glance having occasioned a recruitment that, whilst the look did not signal or express trouble, there are nonetheless intimations of something akin to a difficulty in Self’s conduct. First, as noted above, Self does not respond immediately to Rachel’s question. At the first possible completion of the question, Self averts her gaze (line 2), which projects a dispreferred response and occasions an increment by Rachel (cf. Kendrick & Holler, 2017). Self then utters a click (Ogden, 2013) and says “u::hm” (line 6), both of which are further indications of trouble in responding (Kendrick & Torreira, 2015), as she turns her head to gaze towards the ground to her right. Note also that Self looks across at something she knows or anticipates will be in that location; the certitude embodied in her look contributes to the recruitment of assistance from Lex.


In other cases though, Self does much more than look. In Extract 2, Self (Anne) visibly searches for an object, through first peering over her computer, in what is evidently a search for something she cannot see or find.

 

 

Extract 2.

[RCE14 00:00]


 

 

Whilst Self’s searching is embodied primarily in her head movements and associated gaze, these are accompanied by her enquiry about the tea stewing (line 4), which follows a first full scan of her immediate environment, presumably to find the teapot. During the focal phase of her action, Other looks to his right, away from Self. Self asks ‘s the tea been stewing long enough?, then reaches for her mug. So whilst her enquiry does not directly indicate that the teapot is not visible to her, it nonetheless serves to account for her visible bodily action, specifying ‘teapot’ as the object of her search.


It is evident that Self does more than glance or look; she embodies and thereby enacts looking. Through her head movements, she displays that she is searching for something. This is also evident in the next example, in which Self (Kelsey), the one right of centre with her back to the camera, displays that she is searching for something on the dinner table.

 

 

Extract 3

[LSIA Never 52:26]

  

 

In contrast to the previous example, Self’s visible search alone effectively recruits Other to offer assistance (what’d you need at line 18). A visible search of the environment thus creates a systematic opportunity for Other(s) to give or offer assistance even though it does not guarantee this outcome. We continue our analysis of this example in the next section.  

 

3      Recognisability of searching

We have described searching as embodying and thereby enacting and displaying ‘looking for something’ that Self has trouble locating. The embodied conduct through which Self implements a search is precisely what enables Other to recognise that Self is having trouble, in response to which Other may be recruited to help resolve the trouble, that of locating whatever it is for which Self is searching. What, then, are the physical properties of Self’s conduct that enable it to be recognised or understood as ‘doing searching’? In this section, we document a set of practices that Self employs in visibly searching. We have arranged these bodily practices in terms of those involving the head + neck, those in which the arms + hands (manual search) are the primary ‘perceptors’, and those involving the body + torso (adjusting body position) as well as whole body movements such as walking. Although we focus on each of these embodied ‘zones’ of conduct separately, we often or even generally find that more than one zone is involved in any given example. That is, whilst we may focus on head movements in one example, hand gestures (second zone) may also contribute to the enactment of searching. Actual cases thus involve complex multimodal gestalts (Mondada, 2014a) in which multiple articulators across a range of embodied zones are combined in displays of searching for what Self is having trouble finding. The various embodied practices that enact visibly searching do not constitute different types of searches per se but instead reflect local contingencies of the physical environment in which the search takes place, Self’s position within that environment, and the nature of the object being sought (e.g. its size or visibility). The examples given below have been selected to foreground particular practices of embodied action associated with particular zones of the body that contribute to the recognisability of searching.

 

3.1       Searching through head and neck movements 

3.1.1     Visual sweep

Returning to Extract 3, we can see that Self begins her search when she extends her right arm, seeming to reach for something. She then raises her arm so that her hand remains stationary for an instant. The suspension of an embodied action, which halts its progressive realisation, can itself indicate trouble (Lerner & Raymond, in press). Self glances briefly to her right, then over to her left, retracts her hand/arm, then whilst rubbing her hands together turns her head more distinctly from (her) left to right – thereby performing a visual sweep across a portion of the table in front of her. She reaches with her left hand to slightly lift a packet that is just in front of her. As she lifts the packet, she leans to her left in such a way that her head is positioned so as to enable her to peer under the packet.

 

 

The trouble she is evidently having in finding whatever she is looking for, as manifest in her sweep and peering, is recognised by Other (facing camera, wearing a stripy top), who asks what do you need?, which is the first step in the recruitment of Other’s assistance, which resolves Self’s difficulty.


This visual sweep in Extract 3, also evident in Extracts 6 and 7 below, is common in our data and is sometimes accompanied by a ‘thinking face’ (see Kendrick & Drew, 2016: 12, Goodwin & Goodwin, 1986). However, the visual sweep is only one aspect of Self’s conduct that results in recruitment of Other’s assistance; another aspect of Self’s conduct is that she leans forward and to her left, thereby (literally) closing in on – or ‘zooming’ in on – whatever she might be looking for. We explore zooming in the next section.

 

3.1.2     Zoom

In some of our cases, Self zooms in on a quite restricted search domain, a specific domain of scrutiny (Goodwin, 1994), thereby reducing the distance between the sense organ (eyes) and the objects in the environment. This occurs in the next example.

 

 

 

Extract 4.

[RCE22b 10:28]

 

 

The woman in the back left of the frame, Self (Megan), is using a laptop belonging to her Canadian friend, the woman sitting next to her. Self is evidently looking for but cannot find the British pound sign (£) on the keyboard. Before she verbally articulates her difficulty finding this symbol, she leans in slightly towards the computer, then does the slightest (her) right-left visual sweep, following which she leans forward and extends her head even closer and downwards to peer at the keyboard, saying as she does so ooh where’s the pound si:gn?, in so doing specifying the source of her difficulty. The relevant visual domain is restricted to the keyboard, for which the zoom – produced by the forward extension of the head together with the lean – is the most effective visual means of displaying Self’s difficulty, though that difficulty is also expressed by her “uhm:” in line 9 and the suspension of her turn. This difficulty is resolved when Other, to whom the laptop belongs, explains that it does not have a pound sign (because it is a North American laptop).

 

3.2       Searching through arm and hand movements

3.2.1     Searching gestures

The next bodily ‘zone’ employed in search displays or enactments is the hands and thus necessarily also the arms. We saw in Extract 3 that Self reached out across the table at the beginning of her search, then at a later stage stretched out her other arm, using her hand to lift the packet sufficiently for her to peer under it. Stretching out an arm and displaying ‘searching’ through the use of the hand/digits is particularly visible in this next example. In this excerpt, the participants are playing a board game (Monopoly), and Self (Nick), the man to the left of the screen, has just thrown the dice. Self searches for his piece so that he can move it a certain number of spaces forwards along the board.

 

 

Extract 5.

[GB07-2]



Self stretches his arm out diagonally to the right, as though to alight on his piece, which evidently is not at the location to which his hand moves. Instead his hand hovers over the area on the far right of the board, and he wiggles his fingers in a gesture of ‘searching’. The gesture indicates that a search is in progress and thereby accounts for the disruption in the progressive realisation of his course of action.


When reaching for an object, one has that object in view (either in direct sight line or metaphorically ‘in view’, such as when one reaches behind to take something out of a bag, without looking where one is reaching). Here, however, Self does not have the object in view when he reaches and thus encounters trouble. His finger wiggling, accompanied by his visual search, render his conduct visible as ‘searching for’ his piece in this restricted search domain, i.e. the game board. It might be noted parenthetically that both of the Others are recruited to assist, each by pointing at the ‘missing’ piece, though the point from one Other, on the right, is a kind of ‘post recruitment’ (i.e. recruitment of assistance after resolution of the trouble) since Self is already holding his piece and has begun moving it by the time this Other points.

 

3.2.2     Tactile sweep

In a final example to illustrate how conduct involving arm/hand movement visibly enacts searching, an Italian family is sitting down to dinner when the boy on the right, Self, discovers that he does not have a fork with which to eat his food, a difficulty that he announces in no uncertain terms. However, immediately before he verbalises the trouble, the missing fork, he begins a visual sweep, moving his head from left to right. As he does so, he holds his knife in his right hand, whilst concurrently with the trouble report hei ma io non ce l’ho la forchetta ‘hey but I don’t have the fork’ (line 3), he sweeps his right hand around and just under the rim of his shallow dish, in a tactile search to determine whether the fork might be hidden under/behind his bowl (line 4). As his hand sweeps around the bowl, his gaze follows his hand movement.

 

 

 

Extract 6.

[9OAW_IT_10]



Self’s visual, verbal, and embodied (manual) displays of searching for a fork that he cannot find (the trouble) promptly occasion the recruitment of his mother sitting to his right, who picks up a fork that was to the (right) side of her dish and passes it to him (line 6).

 

3.3       Searching through torso and leg movements

3.3.1     Leaning

In most of the previous examples, it is evident that alongside visual sweeps and zooms, manual sweeps and verbal reports of the trouble, Self quite regularly makes adjustments to her/his corporeal deportment or body position. Generally, such body movements bring Self closer to the presumed location or zone of the sought-after object. For instance, compare the body position of the boy in the previous example as he begins to say hei ‘hey’ with his position a little over a second later as he passes his right hand around and under the rim of his dish (figure 1).

 

../../../Desktop/Clip%206%20leaning%20stills%20(low%20quality).jpg

Figure 1: The boy leans forward as he begins his search in Extract 6.

 

In the second still, he is clearly leaning forward, in contrast to his upright posture in the first still. Similarly, in Extract 2, Self leans forward and to her right in her recognisable search for the teapot.

 

../../../Desktop/Figure%203.jpg

Figure 2: Anne leans forward as she searches for the teapot in Extract 2.

 

In Extract 3, Self leans forward and to her left as she reaches out to move and look under the packet on the table in her search for whatever she is looking for.

../../../Desktop/Figure%204.png

Figure 3: Kelsey (third from left) leans forward and to her left as she searches the table in Extract 3.

 

In each of these and other examples, the participants are sitting down, to dinner, to play a board game, at a table, or at desks discussing a presentation. Their body movements are thereby restricted to leaning forwards or sideways as well as possible body torques from the waist. They are, though, pretty much rooted to their chairs or to whatever they are sitting on.

 

3.3.2     Exploring

Participants in a natural environment, however, readily move around that environment. They get up out of their seats to fetch something, they move around a kitchen whilst cooking, they stand, walk about, and so on. Such body movements constitute conduct providing some of the most vivid embodied displays of searching, through participants exploring their environment in search of something missing (searching for the trouble). Extract 7 illustrates the combined forms of conduct through which someone may visually sweep and explore a space in such a way as to be visibly, recognisably searching for something.

 

 

 

Extract 7.

[RCE09 13:34]

 

 

In this example, Self (Ben), the man in a white shirt, who begins in the middle of this kitchen scene, begins by walking across to a cupboard. He opens the cupboard door (line 4), looks inside, and evidently does not find whatever he might have been looking for (i.e. he closes the door without having retrieved anything from the cupboard at line 8). He then turns as though to move to his right but turns again to his left, then back to his right, all whilst in a relatively stable (standing) position. He then takes two steps forward, in the direction of the sink, and as he finishes his second step asks, loudly, where’s the (.) glove (0.3) where’s the oven mitt. (0.8) give me the oven mitt (lines 15-19) – thereby nominating and requesting the object for which he is searching. He moves to his left, and with knees slightly bent and a forwards-leaning posture, opens a drawer from which he takes an oven mitt (line 24). The recruitment is completed after Self has explored his environment (i.e. part of the kitchen) in evident search for the oven mitts. Through his conduct (his body movements and gaze, including looking into a cupboard), he enacts searching for something.

 

4      Discussion

We have distinguished between two kinds of gaze, looking and searching. When someone gazes at something or in a certain direction, another person may understand that person as looking at something. The Other may furthermore infer that Self (the one gazing) is looking at something he or she needs for a course of action to progress. A look in a certain direction conveys knowing that something or someone is to be found in the direction of the gaze. By contrast, when a participant visibly searches for something, they may be recognised as having trouble knowing where something is, having trouble finding something. On occasion, this trouble may be verbalised by Other in response to Self’s glance, as in Extract 3 when Other asks what’do you need?. Alternatively, the trouble may be verbalised by Self, as Ben does in Extract 7 when he accompanies his searching conduct with the request where’s the oven mitt? Across the collection it is generally the embodied display of trouble that precedes such verbalisations (cf. Kendrick & Drew, 2016). Recognising Self’s difficulty, Other may assist in some way to resolve the difficulty, in which case they are recruited to assist, and the course of action in which Self is involved can move forward. At the heart of what we have investigated here is that searching enacts having trouble finding what one is looking for and thereby manifests trouble in an embodied display.


In some respects, searching might be considered an exaggerated way of looking for something (cf. Kendrick & Drew, 2016: 16). We have preferred instead to describe this as enacting having trouble finding what one is looking for or as a version of ‘doing looking for’ in which one is accountably, recognisably, or visibly having difficulty finding something. In this study, we have identified the practices in participants’ (Self’s) embodied conduct through which they enact or display trouble. Through such conduct as visual sweeps, zooming, tactile displays of searching, adjusting one’s body position to bring one closer and hence reduce the search domain, and exploring the environment both visually and through movement, Self manifests their difficulty in finding what they are looking for. In this way searching is one of the key practices in the recruitment of assistance.

 

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank Galina Bolden, Renata Galatolo, and Erika Vassallo for their permission to use specific examples in this report. We are also grateful to Leah Wingard for the Language and Social Interaction Archive (2014), from which data have been drawn for this research.

 

Conventions for multimodal transcription

Embodied actions are transcribed according to the following conventions, developed by Mondada (2014b).

 

*   *

+   +

Gestures and descriptions of embodied actions are delimited between ++ two identical symbols (one symbol per participant) and are synchronized with correspondent stretches of talk.

*--->

--->*

The action described continues across subsequent lines until the same symbol is reached.

>> 

The action described begins before the excerpt’s beginning.

--->>

The action described continues after the excerpt’s end.

.....

Action’s preparation.

,,,,,

Action’s retraction.

ali

Participant doing the embodied action is identified when (s)he is not the speaker.

fig

#

The exact moment at which a screen shot has been taken is indicated with a specific sign showing its position within turn at talk.

 

 

References

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Couper-Kuhlen, E. (2014). What does grammar tell us about action? Pragmatics, 24, 623-647.

Drew, P., & Couper-Kuhlen, E. (2014). Requesting – from speech act to recruitment. In P. Drew & E. Couper-Kuhlen (Eds.) Requesting in social interaction (pp. 1-34). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Enfield, N.J. (2014). Human agency and the infrastructure for requests. In P. Drew & E. Couper-Kuhlen (Eds.) Requesting in social interaction (pp. 35-51). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Floyd, S., Rossi, G., Enfield, N.J., Baranova, J., Blythe, J., Dingemanse, M., Kendrick, K.H., & Zinken, J. (2014). Recruitments across languages: A systematic comparison. Presented at the 4th International Conference on Conversation Analysis, University of California at Los Angeles, CA.

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Goodwin, M.H., & Goodwin, C. (1986). Gesture and coparticipation in the activity of searching for a word. Semiotica, 62, 51-75.

Hayashi, M. (2003). Language and the body as resources for collaborative action: A study of word searches in Japanese conversation. Research on Language and Social Interaction, 36, 109-141.

Kärkkäinen, E., & Keisanen, T. (2012). Linguistic and embodied formats for making (concrete) offers. Discourse Studies, 14(5), 587-611. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461445612454069

Keisanen, T., & Rauniomaa, M. (2012). The organization of participation and contingency in prebeginnings of request sequences. Research on Language & Social Interaction, 45(4), 323-351. https://doi.org/10.1080/08351813.2012.724985

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Mondada, L. (2014a). The local constitution of multimodal resources for social interaction. Journal of Pragmatics, 65, 137-156. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2014.04.004

Mondada, L. (2014b). Conventions for multimodal transcription. Available from https://franz.unibas.ch/fileadmin/franz/user_upload/redaktion/Mondada_conv_
multimodality.pdf

Mondada, L., & Sorjonen, M.L. (2016). Making multiple requests in French and Finnish convenience stores. Language in Society, 45(5), 733-765. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0047404516000646

Ogden, R. (2013) Clicks and percussives in English conversation. Journal of the International Phonetics Association, 43, 299-320.

Rossano, F. (2013). Gaze in conversation. In J. Sidnell & T. Stivers (Eds.) The handbook of conversation analysis (pp. 308-329). Malden: Blackwell.

Rossi, G. (2014). When do people not use language to make requests? In P. Drew & E. Couper-Kuhlen (Eds.) Requesting in social interaction (pp. 303-334). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Searle, J. (1969). Speech acts: An essay in the philosophy of language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Stevanovic, M., & Monzoni, C. (2016). On the hierarchy of interactional resources: Embodied and verbal behaviour in the management of joint activities with material objects. Journal of Pragmatics, 103, 15-32.

 

 



[a] Contact Paul Drew, paul.drew@york.ac.uk, Department of Language and Linguistic Science. University of York, LE11 3TU