Rambam. Tidsskrift for jødisk kultur og forskning https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam Rambam. Tidsskrift for jødisk kultur og forskning da-DK sfdjh2016@gmail.com (Cecilie Speggers Schrøder Simonsen) bjarkef@hotmail.com (Bjarke Følner) tir, 22 jun 2021 13:38:04 +0200 OJS 3.2.1.4 http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/tech/rss 60 Forord https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127648 <p>Forord</p> Cecilie Speggers Schrøder Simonsen Copyright (c) 2021 Rambam. Tidsskrift for jødisk kultur og forskning https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127648 tir, 22 jun 2021 00:00:00 +0200 Der blev indviet en synagoge i Krystalgade i 1833...på Sankt Thomas! Jøderne i Dansk Vestindien til 1917 https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127649 <p>The article provides an overview of the history of Danish Jews in the Danish West Indies. It begins with a brief history of the Danish West Indies. Denmark- Norway owned three islands: Saint Thomas, Saint Jan, and Saint Croix. There was an excellent natural harbor on Saint Thomas, and here the city of Charlotte Amalie prospered. In the 1830s, the city had over ten thousand inhabitants. The most important commodity in the Danish West Indies was sugar which was made and sold in Denmark- Norway, Europe, and North America. The Danish West Indies were also the home of prominent as well as more obscure Jews. A famous example is the governor Gabriel Milan who came to Saint Thomas with his family in the late 17th century. His religious affiliation has been the subject of speculation and investigation. He was sent back to Denmark charged with misconduct and executed by hanging after having served only a couple of years on Saint Thomas. Jews on Saint Thomas were free to practice their religion in private. In the late 18th century they applied for permission to build a synagogue, which was granted. At that time, a burial ground had already been established, and it still exists today. Up until the 1830s, Jews on Saint Thomas were Sephardic, but throughout the 1830s Ashkenazic Jews also arrived to the island. In 1831 a fire destroyed the greater part of Charlotte Amalie including the synagogue. However, the Jewish community on Saint Thomas was renowned and well-reputed, and soon money for the reestablishment of the synagogue was raised. The Jewish community on Saint Thomas was fully integrated in the Danish colonial society. Jewish confirmations were held, and the Jewish schools were popular even among Christians. The community was an example to other Jewish communities in the USA. It was a democratic community where women participated in services on equal terms. Over the years several well-known rabbis lived on Saint Thomas, and in 1830 the famous painter Camille Pissarro was born.</p> Merete N. Christensen Copyright (c) 2021 Rambam. Tidsskrift for jødisk kultur og forskning https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127649 tir, 22 jun 2021 00:00:00 +0200 Pissaros Vestindien https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127650 <p>Malerier af Vestinden malet af Pissaros.</p> Cecilie Speggers Schrøder Simonsen Copyright (c) 2021 Rambam. Tidsskrift for jødisk kultur og forskning https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127650 tir, 22 jun 2021 00:00:00 +0200 Tre danske jøder fra Sankt Thomas https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127651 <p>This article tells the story of the ancestors of Anne Labrosse. It begins with Moise and Rebecca Pomie who came to Saint Thomas in the late 18th century. They settled in Charlotte Amalie with their four children and began a new life as members of a Danish Jewish society. The Jewish community of Saint Thomas was small but growing in the late 18th and early 19th century. They enjoyed the privileges of religious freedom, and during the 19th century the community became fully integrated in the Danish colonial society of Saint Thomas. One of Moise and Rebecca’s children, Esther Pomie, married Isaac Petit, and when she died Isaac married Esther’s sister Rachel. When Isaac died his sister sent her son Frederique Abraham Gabriel Pizzarro to help care for Rachel and the children. They fell in love, but the Jewish community of Saint Thomas would not recognize their marriage, so the couple struggled for eight years before they were declared lawfully married. Rachel and Frederique Pizzarro had four children. One of them was Jacob Pizzarro who would later change his name to Camille Pissarro, move to Paris, and become a world-renowned painter. His uncle Samuel Eugene had four daughters. Two of them, Clara and Rosalie, came back to Denmark where their grandparents had come from. Clara married a Danish captain in Copenhagen in the late 19th century and lived there when the persecutions of World War II began. She was sent to Theresienstadt in 1943 where she was marked “Prominent A”. She featured in a propaganda film made by the Nazis to show off the Nazi working camps as lively and cheerful places to be. She came home to Denmark in the spring of 1945 when the Danes were liberated and lived to be a hundred years old. Her sister, Rosalie, married a Christian pharmacist, and they lived in Denmark, but she died in 1941 before she had the chance to experience the persecutions of the Jews in Denmark.</p> Anna Labrosse Copyright (c) 2021 Rambam. Tidsskrift for jødisk kultur og forskning https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127651 tir, 22 jun 2021 00:00:00 +0200 Holocaust som familiehistorie https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127652 <p>How does one write about Holocaust in the family? How does one dare? How does one communicate someone else’s experience of the Holocaust? And does anyone care? How can experiences as 2nd or 3rd generation survivor be used in a modern society? For what or for whom? These are some of the questions Mikaela v. Freiesleben reflects upon while she prepares a biography about her grandmother, who as a young woman survived the camps of Auschwitz and Bergen-Belsen. During a trip to Szombathely, Hungary, her grandmother’s native village, Mikaela v. Freiesleben meets with historians, archivists, and members of the shrunken Jewish community to shed light upon her grandmother’s life in Hungary in the 1920s and 1930s, and the fate of the Jewish community in the 1940s. All the time wondering how she can do justice to her grandmother’s story, and how it has affected her own life to grow up with Holocaust as family history.</p> Mikaela v. Freiesleben Copyright (c) 2021 Rambam. Tidsskrift for jødisk kultur og forskning https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127652 tir, 22 jun 2021 00:00:00 +0200 Tanker om min jødiske tipoldefar, der blev kristen teolog https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127653 <p>The article tells the story of Carl Paul Caspari who was born a Jew but did not understand what being Jewish meant until he had read the New Testament and converted to Christianity. Caspari was born in 1814 in the Jewish community of German Dessau. He was born into a modern Jewish family and educated in a reformed Jewish school where he learned German and French as well as geography and history. He began studying oriental languages at the University of Leipzig in 1834. Enlightenment philosophy and rationalism influenced his understanding of scripture, but he soon became absorbed with German Romanticism, which led him to a spiritual crisis. A Christian friend advised him to read the New Testament, and upon doing so he was struck by the historically precise portrait of the Jews in the Acts of the Apostles. He now believed in the credibility of the New Testament and in Jesus Christ as the Messiah. In 1838, Caspari was baptized and began studying at the Faculty of Theology in Leipzig. It was when Caspari converted to Christianity that he truly felt Jewish for the first time and saw a vivid connection in the Old Testament. He believed that the Old Testament contains Messianic prophecies and that it is first and foremost a book of promises. The attestation of God’s promise and His delivery on promises are what connect its many texts. Caspari became a professor specializing in the Old Testament at the University in Kristiania. Besides working with the Old Testament he dedicated his work to proving Grundtvig wrong in his belief that the Bible rests on the shoulders of the apostolic creed. However, later in life Caspari realized that his own struggle against rationalism’s interpretation of the Bible had much in common with that of Grundtvig. They both strongly believed in the promise and faithfulness of God. Caspari came to see that it was God’s promise of a pact that tied together the texts in the Old Testament. At that moment he understood the meaning of being Jewish, implying that being Jewish means expecting that God will keep his promise of realizing the goal that he has created and chosen his people for.</p> Agnete Raahauge Copyright (c) 2021 Rambam. Tidsskrift for jødisk kultur og forskning https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127653 tir, 22 jun 2021 00:00:00 +0200 Samarbejdspolitikken og jødernes redning i oktober '43. Rambams historikerenquete - Indledning https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127655 <p>The first scholar to investigate and conclude on the October 1943 rescue of the Jews of Denmark was Israeli historian Leni Yahil. Her doctoral dissertation <em>The Rescue of Danish Jewry </em>(Hebrew 1967) presented the successful rescue of 95 percent of the country’s Jews as a concerted action of the Danish politicians and civil service, the upcoming resistance movement, and – crucially – the grassroots activism of ordinary Danes. While the political and governmental system pursued a policy of cooperation with the Germans mostly named collaboration in international scholarship, and Danish resistance fought the very same policy, both shared with the vast majority of Danes a value system based on (Yahil) “a high level of ethics and the love of freedom and democracy”. This value system – emphasized by Yahil, accepting the master narrative of the 19th century Danish Lutheran minister and liberal politician N.F.S. Grundtvig and his later followers – was rooted in the strong social integration and democratic training characteristic of Danish civil society. Thus, in Yahil’s eyes, the collaboration policy, having protected this civil society and made the Germans postpone their attack on Denmark’s Jews, became one important factor amongst several that together made helping the persecuted Jews possible, and the “natural” choice for ordinary Danes. The article discusses Leni Yahil’s interpretation as well as the ambivalent reactions of Danish historians to her works.</p> Therkel Stræde Copyright (c) 2021 Rambam. Tidsskrift for jødisk kultur og forskning https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127655 tir, 22 jun 2021 00:00:00 +0200 Hvorfor overlevede de fleste i Danmark Holocaust https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127656 <p>The short answer is that they survived thanks to the policy pursued by the Danish government, the main political parties, and the administration in the lead-up to World War II and during the German occupation of Denmark from April 9th, 1940. The Danish survival strategy during the 1930s was simple and in no way heroic. By establishing a deep linkage between being Danish and supporting democracy, a similar identification was created between Denmark as a nation and a democracy. This effectively deprived Danish Nazis and Communists of any national legitimacy and turned attacks on the principles of democracy and the rule of law into treason, cultivating a strong sense of national unity around the foundations of “folkestyret”, the rule by the people. When Germans attacked on April 9th, 1940, the Danish government accepted the terms set by Germany, and the ensuing “peaceful occupation” provided the Danish government of national unity with some leverage to resist German demands. However, it also incentivized it into a more or less voluntary cooperation with The Reich, especially in the economic sphere. Two key red lines became the principle of not accepting Nazi participation in the Danish government – and firm rejection of any move in regard to Danish Jews who according to the government were an inseparable part of the Danish people. Unwilling to bear the cost of ending the “peaceful occupation” much treasured by Hitler, Germany time and again postponed the first “small” steps of singling out Jews that elsewhere marked the beginning of the end. When Germans finally decided to move against the Danish Jews the outlook for the war had changed together with the perspective in many parts of the Nazi apparatus. Even Hitler and his inner circle realized that moving against the Jews in Denmark would come at a significant political and economic cost at a critical moment and wanted the action to go soft. This opened the space necessary for local Nazi officials to tip off the Jews ahead of the planned round-up, allowing the vast majority to flee from their homes before October 1st, 1943, when the action was executed against intense protests from broad segments of Danish civil society objecting in the strongest terms to this unjustified atrocity against fellow citizens. Thanks to a spontaneous and wide-ranging popular mobilization, countless routes were invented for Jewish countrymen to escape to Sweden. Over the following weeks more than 7,000 Danish Jews and stateless Jews in Denmark fled to Sweden. 481 were captured and deported to Theresienstadt, from where a coordinated Scandinavian relief effort in the last weeks of the war managed to rescue all but 52 who vanished in the camp. The Danish exception to the Holocaust was a direct result of the firm and consistent rejection by the Danish society of the very idea that Holocaust represented and the strong linkage created between being Danish and standing up for the values underpinning democracy. Thus, most that helped their fellow countrymen escape acted not only in an humanitarian gesture but also as a national manifestation at a point when resentment against the occupying forces ran deep.</p> Bo Lidegaard Copyright (c) 2021 Rambam. Tidsskrift for jødisk kultur og forskning https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127656 tir, 22 jun 2021 00:00:00 +0200 Dansk samarbejdspolitik - tysk jødepolitik https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127657 <p>The German occupation in 1940 was a so-called peace occupation, i.e. without preceding war. The Germans declared that they would not interfere with Danish internal affairs. Denmark’s diplomatic representative operated until German capitulation in 1945. The foundation for collaboration between the Danish government and the German occupational force was hereby created. The Danish foreign minister, Erik Scavenius, led a policy that aimed to adjust Denmark to German plans of a Europe under German leadership. Early on, collaboration was accompanied by crises often followed by rumors that Germans wanted to take action against Jews in Denmark. Meanwhile, Danish politicians let the Germans understand that taking action against Danish Jews would mean to sever the diplomatic ties between the two countries. After a crisis in 1942, Hitler sent Dr. Werner Best as superior and authorized diplomatic representative. Best was a leading Nazi ideologist who had previously been appointed high positions in the security agency, SS, and Gestapo. His policy in Denmark aimed at keeping the country calm so that important food export to Germany could take place unperturbed. Increasing incidents of sabotage executed by the resistance movement and a revolt by the people in August 1943 resulted in German military taking over power and declaring martial law. Best had lost his powerful position but quickly regained his strength. He suggested to Berlin to use martial law to arrest and deport Danish Jews. Hitler accepted the plan. Subsequently, Best initiated different damage control activities with the mission of subduing the Danish people. In particular, he feared a new Danish revolt. He told an employee with good contacts among Danish politicians that personally he would not mind if the Jews escaped to Sweden. Three days before action was planned to take place, he leaked to the same employee that it would happen on the night between October 1st and 2nd, 1943. The Danish reaction to the persecution of the Jews was different than Best had imagined. A broad cross section of the Danish people undertook a rescue operation that in two weeks brought approx. six thousand Jews to safety in Sweden. Among other things, the operation was unique because it was spontaneous and without any central management. Germans arrested and deported approx. five hundred Danish Jews and took them to Theresienstadt. Best told the Danish public authorities that here the Jews had self-government and lived under proper conditions. In the time that followed, the Danish administration among other things posed several questions to the Germans about people that had been deported by mistake and asked if they could be sent home. They also sent a request for a visit by Danish Red Cross and others. In late October, Best traveled to Berlin to obtain an answer for the Danes. A few days later, Adolf Eichmann came to Copenhagen officially to discuss “details” with Best. Everything suggests that they also met to plan the Danish visit. Theresienstadt would be turned into a “Potemkin village” so that Red Cross could report that Jews were well and lived under proper conditions. This propaganda trick was successful. In a telegram with three items, Best dictated how the Danish requests should be met. The last item has been misinterpreted, so that it has generally been held that there was an agreement that said that Danish Jews should not be transported to Auschwitz. However, there is no trace to suggest such an agreement. That Danish Jews avoided being sent to extermination was most likely the result of Gestapo categorizing them as “prominent”, meaning Jews who were known and followed by people abroad. Gestapo had decided to save them until the final phase of the extermination procedure.</p> Arthur Arnheim Copyright (c) 2021 Rambam. Tidsskrift for jødisk kultur og forskning https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127657 tir, 22 jun 2021 00:00:00 +0200 Samarbejdspolitikken og jødernes redning i Leni Yahils optik https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127659 <p>The first scholar to investigate and conclude on the October 1943 rescue of the Jews of Denmark was Israeli historian Leni Yahil. Her doctoral dissertation <em>The Rescue of Danish Jewry </em>(Hebrew 1967) presented the successful rescue of 95 percent of the country’s Jews as a concerted action of the Danish politicians and civil service, the upcoming resistance movement, and – crucially – the grassroots activism of ordinary Danes. While the political and governmental system pursued a policy of cooperation with the Germans mostly named collaboration in international scholarship, and Danish resistance fought the very same policy, both shared with the vast majority of Danes a value system based on (Yahil) “a high level of ethics and the love of freedom and democracy”. This value system – emphasized by Yahil, accepting the master narrative of the 19th century Danish Lutheran minister and liberal politician N.F.S. Grundtvig and his later followers – was rooted in the strong social integration and democratic training characteristic of Danish civil society. Thus, in Yahil’s eyes, the collaboration policy, having protected this civil society and made the Germans postpone their attack on Denmark’s Jews, became one important factor amongst several that together made helping the persecuted Jews possible, and the “natural” choice for ordinary Danes. The article discusses Leni Yahil’s interpretation as well as the ambivalent reactions of Danish historians to her works.</p> Therkel Stræde Copyright (c) 2021 Rambam. Tidsskrift for jødisk kultur og forskning https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127659 tir, 22 jun 2021 00:00:00 +0200 Et internationalt perspektiv på historien om jøderne i Danmark https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127660 <p>The Danish Jews miraculously made it through World War II without great losses. Generally, Danish historians have sought to explain this through a national perspective, arguing that Nazis wished to continue cooperating with Danes, and that German decision makers placed in Denmark were influenced by the distinct Danish humanist approach. However, by adopting an international perspective on the Danish situation a different assessment and causality emerge. It cannot be disproven that Germans’ mild treatment of Jews in Denmark was an attempt to secure Danish export and cooperation while avoiding civil unrest, but Germans were far less kind in the rest of Europe, and there must be other explanations. Perhaps the German policy came about as a result of Heinrich Himmler and his staff’s desire to use Danish Jews as an example of Nazism’s humanity, thereby increasing Western powers’ leniency towards Germany. There is much to suggest that the 470 Danish Jews placed in Theresienstadt were to act in accordance with Himmler’s plan to give the world a positive impression of the concentration camp. It has been said that the Danish cooperation policy saved the lives of Jews in Denmark and Theresienstadt. In my opinion, however, such a conclusion is premature, and the decision to delay the rounding up of Jews in October, as well as the decision not to send Danish Jews in Theresienstadt on to Auschwitz-Birkenau, is down to other causes. It has also been suggested that Georg F. Duckwitz and Werner Best were influenced by Danish humanism and social democrats, which led them to hold back in introducing tougher measures against Danish Jews. However, I believe that this is too romantic an approach. Leading Nazis were cynical people who had contributed to brutal anti-Jewish measures and actions in other places. Their motive was to follow the strategy laid out by Himmler who propagated an unusually mild treatment of Danish Jews. This gave Nazis the chance to use the rescue of Danish Jews as a defense after the war, a successful tactic. I believe that Duckwitz was a calculating Nazi who acted out of selfishness and that his diary and later statements are problematic source material. Danish historiography has focused extensively on the rescue in 1943, an event that has justified cooperating with Germany. But the cooperating policy had a dark side: Danish export helped Germany and may have prolonged the war. Cooperation also ensured that Denmark remained calm, which enabled the Germans to move forces elsewhere, e.g. in order to persecute Jews. If we wish to weigh moral advantages and disadvantages, the international situation must be taken into consideration. Here the Danish cooperation policy had tragic repercussions.</p> Bent Blüdnikow Copyright (c) 2021 Rambam. Tidsskrift for jødisk kultur og forskning https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127660 tir, 22 jun 2021 00:00:00 +0200 "Amidah" - Trods Redningsmænd og ofre i oktober 1943 https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127661 <p>The article identifies trends and potentials in the historiography of the rescue of the Danish Jews in October 1943. The perception of the rescue had been extraordinarily consensual until the 1990s when studies revealed that persecution had strategically low priority in Denmark. This conclusion changed the fixed roles of both persecutors and rescuers into a more nuanced perception that allowed for German pragmatism and Danish abuse. In collective memory, by contrast, stereotypes hardened in a post-war society where patriotic martyrs were more instrumental than victims of a meaningless racial ideology. Focus was almost exclusively on the rescuers, with little room for mourning the dead and lost. In recent years, collective memory in Denmark has been internationalized with a growing attention to the victims, but it signifies a risk of an <em>Americanization </em>of memory that dissolves ambiguity and universalizes the event. The gulf between historiography and memory can be bridged by a renewed research interest in the victims, for example by applying the concept of Amidah to the Danish case. <em>Amidah</em>, translated from Hebrew into “Defiance”, embraces any act of opposition to the Nazis in the process of dehumanization that ultimately culminated in death. By this definition, any act that saved lives can be regarded as resistance. Through examples of Jewish rescuers, recently uncovered cases of Hidden Children in Denmark and Jewish experiences of exile and return, the article demonstrates the potential of further exploring the perspective of the victims, not only turning passive objects of persecution into active subjects but also placing the events in October 1943 firmly in a larger context of the European Holocaust.</p> Sofie Lene Bak Copyright (c) 2021 Rambam. Tidsskrift for jødisk kultur og forskning https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127661 tir, 22 jun 2021 00:00:00 +0200 Samarbejdets diskrimination https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127662 <p>This article poses two main questions: Why could the Jews in Denmark successfully flee to Sweden? What was the role of the collaboration in this success? I argue that most answers are already provided by previous research in regards to the first question. The collaborative nature of the agreement between the Danish government and the German occupiers is usually perceived as a shield which protected the Jews in Denmark. This article challenges this perception by showing how central German organizations in collaboration with the German legation in Denmark pursued a continuous discriminatory policy against the Jews in Denmark. Underscoring this policy are the attempts to Aryanize German-Danish business relations from 1937 and onwards. In September 1942 the process of Aryanization was estimated as almost complete. At the same time, several initiatives to promote anti-Semitism were sponsored by the German legation. In addition I show that the long-term goal of the German policies against the Jews in Denmark was the removal of Jews from Denmark. The Danish government’s overall objective was to preserve power. This article exposes that the continuous German pressure for formal Jewish laws affected a minority in the Danish Government, who in internal discussions revealed a readiness to accept such demands. While the minority did not prevail, an informal discrimination against Jews in Denmark was administered by the Danish government. This ensured that Jews were neither placed in public positions nor in other major and minor areas. The full scope of this discrimination remains largely unknown. In addition, the article shows that Danish police played an unrecognized role in investigating and researching the race of Danish citizens on behalf of German authorities in Denmark. Based on these findings the article infers that the successful flight has legitimized the discrimination inherent in the collaboration until October 1943. The long-term intentions of the collaboration policy were not to protect the Jews, but to maintain political power. This is also underscored by the fact that the flight of the Jews was a spontaneous event. The article concludes that collaboration in itself did not function as a protective shield for the Jews. Rather, it became an important precondition for the flight despite of the collaboration’s goal to maintain political power.</p> Jacob Halvas Bjerre Copyright (c) 2021 Rambam. Tidsskrift for jødisk kultur og forskning https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127662 tir, 22 jun 2021 00:00:00 +0200 Hvorfor Theresienstadt https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127663 <p>This article analyzes the <em>“Judenaktion” </em>in October 1943 in connection with events in the ghetto Theresienstadt. The overall question is why 470 Jews from Denmark were deported to Theresienstadt and remained there, also during the wave of transports from the ghetto to Auschwitz-Birkenau in September- October 1944. Related questions are, precisely when and by whom was the decision taken to bring Danish Jews to Theresienstadt? Who was behind protecting the Danes in the ghetto, and what was the precise purpose of keeping them alive? Finally, what was the connection between the deportation of Danish Jews and the project of a future visit to the ghetto?</p> Silvia Goldbaum Tarabini Fracapane Copyright (c) 2021 Rambam. Tidsskrift for jødisk kultur og forskning https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127663 tir, 22 jun 2021 00:00:00 +0200 Abraham Sutzkever: Grønt akvarium https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127667 <p>Anmeldelse</p> Malka Fish Copyright (c) 2021 Rambam. Tidsskrift for jødisk kultur og forskning https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127667 tir, 22 jun 2021 00:00:00 +0200 Ib Katznelson: Lad ham dø 2-årig i Ravensbrück og Theresienstadt https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127664 <p>Anmeldelse</p> Margit Warburg Copyright (c) 2021 Rambam. Tidsskrift for jødisk kultur og forskning https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127664 tir, 22 jun 2021 00:00:00 +0200 Erik Henriques Bing: Bings Kronologi for jøderne i Danmark https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127665 <p>Anmeldelse</p> Karsten Christensen Copyright (c) 2021 Rambam. Tidsskrift for jødisk kultur og forskning https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127665 tir, 22 jun 2021 00:00:00 +0200 Meïr Aron Goldschmidt: En Jøde https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127666 <p>Anmeldelse</p> Søren Schou Copyright (c) 2021 Rambam. Tidsskrift for jødisk kultur og forskning https://tidsskrift.dk/rambam/article/view/127666 tir, 22 jun 2021 00:00:00 +0200