K&K - Kultur og Klasse 2019-05-20T02:24:56+02:00 Jonas Ross Kjærgård Open Journal Systems Det reaktionære 2019-05-20T02:24:54+02:00 Torsten Andreasen Mikkel Bolt Rasmussen 2018-12-27T17:39:03+01:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Postfascismen, eller den sene kapitalismes kulturelle logik 2019-05-20T02:24:56+02:00 Mikkel Bolt Rasmussen <p>Postfascism is very much a cultural phenomenon. And the conflicts of today occur less as class struggle than as cultural battles. Why is that? I propose to use Fred Jameson’s classic text on postmodernism (as the cultural logic of late capitalism) as a framework for considering the new postfascist tendencies that have emerged during the last few years in USA and Europe (Trump, Brexit, Alternative for Germany, Pegida, Le Pen, Wilders’ Party for Freedom, the Danish People’s Party etc.). Jameson’s analysis of postmodernism supplies us with a ‘take’ with which we can start mapping these reactionary or postfascist phenomena and embed them in an analysis of changes in late capitalism.</p> 2018-12-27T00:00:00+01:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Den reaktionære tanke 2018-12-27T17:54:11+01:00 Mikkel Thorup <p>This article explores the basic arguments of reactionary thinking. I argue that reactionary thought originates in an opposition to the Enlightenment and stayed fairly consistent since then, though with local variations around the core. The article first discusses a number of books on reactionary thought before developing the thesis of the genesis of reactionary thought in and around the Enlightenment, not least the opposition to the idea of man as the sovereign creator of his or her own destiny. Then it goes into detail on the specifics of reactionary thought before ending with a few reflections on the contemporary version of reactionary thought.</p> 2018-12-27T00:00:00+01:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## De sammenviklede reaktioner og deres destitution: Revolution/kontrarevolution 2018-12-27T18:14:33+01:00 Carsten Juhl <p>The question of the katechon in the revolution constitutes the central preoccupation of this text. There is still inertia or slowness in the development of uprisings, but the katechon is now independent of any expectation of revelation as in the original biblical edition of the notion or in the modern one (Russia October 1917, Germany November 1918). So, today it is even more open for the reactionary momentum than it has ever been before, and the momentum is incarnated by Continental China as the strongest and most aggressive of the totalitarian states. Reaction has always been dangerous, but the Commune of Barcelona 1936-37 had more space for initiatives and was not suffocated immediately as the Commune of Aleppo was in 2012-13. So, this time the revolution has to be really unilateral and autonomous: no collaboration with reformist parties as in Barcelona or with religious institutions as in Aleppo; they are all vehicles of the reaction.</p> 2018-12-27T00:00:00+01:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Den spaltede affortryllelse 2018-12-27T18:21:56+01:00 James Day <p>Linking Alfred Sohn-Rethel’s analysis of fascism with his critique of epistemology, ‘Fractured Disenchantment’ makes the case for a preliminary theoretical study for the analysis of the return of reaction, primarily, in the case of this article, within Europe and the US. In the 1930s, Sohn-Rethel was in the privileged position of having access to the inner-workings of the German capitalist class at the same time as being part of communist resistance to the rise fascism. In Manual and Intellectual Labour, parts of which were derived from his attempt to come to terms with his experience of fascism, Sohn-Rethel published the results of decades of work on a materialist critique of epistemology in 1970. By tracing some of the links between Sohn-Rethel’s theory and critical responses to it in the new readings of Marx taking place at the same period, this article tries to link the critique of value with a critique of anti-fascism, arguing for a non-identificatory critique of capital as the basis for an analysis of reactionary politics today.</p> 2018-12-27T00:00:00+01:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Parentesen om det højre-reaktionære 2018-12-27T18:31:59+01:00 Martin Ledstrup <p>The new right in Europe is often associated with precarious life. But in this article, I show that cultural representations of Danish remote areas during the refugee crisis in 2015 and 2016 significantly complicates the relationship between rightist politics, precarity, and the stranger. With Lauren Berlant, I argue that the encounter between refugees and locals outside the city can be seen as an exemplary instance of the commons: a socially ambivalent situation of precarity where the refugee crisis is also transformed into a new kind of infrastructure. First, the article reviews precarity and the commons in contemporary theory. Second, the precarity of remoteness is in the feelings of abandonment, so while arriving refugees were cast in national media as the embodiment of crisis, I show that they were at the same time represented as a new opportunity for the remote area in Denmark. Lastly, I exemplify how the refugee crisis can also become an infrastructure for the literary imagination about remoteness, particularly in Nancy, Dennis Gade Kofods dystopic novel about the Danish island of Bornholm.</p> 2018-12-27T00:00:00+01:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Kommunale eder 2018-12-27T18:38:33+01:00 Søren Mau <p>In recent years the idea of the commune has occupied an increasingly central place in radical thought as well as practice: ‘the commune’ – “that sphinx so tantalizing to the bourgeois mind”, in Marx’s words – has (again) become a concept around which revolutionary desires condensate and unfold. In this article I explore the concept of the commune in the texts of the contemporary French revolutionary collective The Invisible Committee. I attempt to take their claim that the commune is constituted by an oath seriously, and in order to understand what this means, I draw upon the work of Giorgio Agamben. I also analyse the historical context for the contemporary renaissance of this concept and argue that it should be understood in relation to the crisis of the worker’s movement in the neoliberal epoch as well as contemporary debates about organisation and strategy.</p> 2018-12-27T00:00:00+01:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Ængstelige Hillbillies 2018-12-27T18:47:35+01:00 Clara Juncker Marianne Kongerslev <p>This article explores memoirs that express the anger, anxiety, and spite which Donald J. Trump provoked and tapped into in speeches and other appearances during his run for president, feelings he continues to provoke through social media and public appearances. Taking our departure in texts created by members of the white American underclass, poor white Mountain Folk in the Ozarks and Appalachian regions, as well as displaced southern migrants in Ohio, the article investigates the anxious structure of ugly feelings (Ngai) and explores how these affects relate to the Culture of Honor in the US Mountain South. In memoirs the Southern mountain culture is portrayed as a self-segregating and proud culture that fosters independent, hardscrabble characters, who value a certain kind of honor. Therefore, the article explores the interaction between hate, anxiety, and desperation among hillbillies in the Rustbelt and mountain regions and the Culture of Honor they have been shaped by, a culture which activates traditional Southern values and norms about masculinity, whiteness, family, and reputation, while exposing an inner fragility that manifests as emotional projection, substance abuse, violence but also resilience.</p> 2018-12-27T00:00:00+01:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Den utæmmelige kraft 2018-12-27T18:57:53+01:00 Kasper Opstrup <p>This article discusses magical thinking and the witch in relation to activism and the return of reactionary politics. It traces a technique of magical activism that utilises irrational images and the occult as fictionalisation strategies to create change.&nbsp;This technique is not only used by power to control and govern or to help the extreme right in normalising their ideas. It is also the terrain for a battle of who we are and who we can be. It is more an apparatus than an ideology and can thus, is and has been used across the political spectrum. Throughout the article, I pay special attention to memes and the contemporary turn towards a politicised witchcraft with three examples, all with an explicit anti-Trump agenda: The Magic Resistance, W.I.T.C.H.pdx, and the Yerba Mala Collective.&nbsp;By reclaiming language and stigmatised, historical figures as potential political tools, the ideology of witchcraft empowers the individual to not only manifest her will, but to believe that our collective will is able to change what is, and bring hope to a time characterised by isolation and impotence. But while they can carry an anti-authoritarian promise of freedom, these pop-cultural myths can also be the carriers of a normalisation of essentially fascist ideas. The occult was part of the libidinal energies released by the countercultures up through the 1960s and 70s. Due to that the established left wing was not able to contain these energies, they became part of the re-individualisation project of the right from the 1980s onwards. Today, its shadows can be traced not only on the anti-authoritarian left but also in various neo-con and alt-right circles. The methods and techniques of magic for self-transformation release energy, but also fits perfectly into our contemporary structures of dominance while it still bring hope to a hopeless situation.</p> 2018-12-27T00:00:00+01:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Italien og demokratiets byrde 2018-12-27T19:05:08+01:00 Gert Sørensen <p>The general elections in Italy this year (the 4th of March 2018) brought to victory Matteo Salvini’s Lega (the former Lega Nord) and Luigi di Maio’s Movimento 5 Stelle (the Five Star Movement), founded by stand-up comedian and blogger Beppe Grillo. The two populistic parties or movements have since formed the new Italian government. This article tries to point out the deeper changes of the after-war political system and the reasons causing the shift of political paradigms. In focus is the political party, which has been of crucial importance to Europe’s political development through most of the 20. Century, as well as to the democratic Constitution, that Italy got in 1948 after the totalitarian experience of Fascism and the Resistance Movement. With the upcoming of populist parties and their modes of leader-based organization and ideological values the political system seems to move away from representative party-democracy and social compromises, outlined by the Constitution but not always maintained. The exodus from the rule of law and international conventions, that might soon reach a point of no return, opens – with the words of Gramsci – a crisis of authority, that shows us a new political class leaving the hitherto known forms of government without revealing, where we are heading at.</p> 2018-12-27T00:00:00+01:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Trump som politisk begivenhed 2018-12-27T19:11:00+01:00 Torsten Andreasen <p>As political event, Donald Trump constitutes an unstable conflict between the roles of international joke, capitalist-hedonist success, and nationalist-conservative rampart. The instability of his personal and political constitution makes it problematic to attempt a one-sided analysis. Through a critical reading of the quite different analyses performed by Nancy Fraser, W.J.T. Mitchell, and Brian Massumi of Trump as, respectively, a protest against the politics of distribution, a collective psychosis, and an affective converter, the present article examines Trump as political event in the intersection between capital, media, and power. It is argued that through a nuanced periodising of the relation between these three aspects, the political event at hand appears as an attempt to aesthetically compensate for the fading economic privilege of the white working and middle classes which should bring to mind the historical conditions of possibility of fascism.</p> 2018-12-27T00:00:00+01:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## De bestående høns: Mikkel Bolts kritik af Donald Trump 2018-12-27T19:17:44+01:00 Henrik Jøker Bjerre <p>Anmeldelse af&nbsp;Mikkel Bolt: Trumps kontrarevolution.&nbsp;128 sider. Forlaget Nemo, København, 2017</p> 2018-12-27T00:00:00+01:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement##