Geografisk Tidsskrift, Bind 92 (1992)

New Geographical and Historical Information from Lucas Janz Waghenaer's Faroe-chart

Rolf Guttesen

Side 22

Guttesen, Rolf: New Geographical and Historical Information
from Lucas Janz Waghenaer's Faroe-chart. Geografisk Tidsskrift
92:22-28. Copenhagen 1992.

A close study of Waghenaer's Faroe-chart, combined with a comprehensive knowledge of the local geography and history, has revealed new information. An oral tradition says that The Great Candlemas Storm washed away much of the coast and that in seven localities new sand beaches were formed. Off the Old Bishop 's Seat at Kirkjubøur on Streymoy, the Kirkjubøholmur island, which was formerly part of a low point, was formed. The Waghaener-chart is the only documentary source that shows the coastal geography before this event. Accompanied by written sources, it also helps us to date this Great Candlemas Storm to 2nd February 1602. Furthermore, four mysterious inscriptions are found on Streymoy. Two of them have been misunderstood by later cartographers as place-names. They are in fact historical persons: a lawman and a juryman both of whom were rich farmers. The third name is presumably that of a Hamburg merchant. The last one indicates the site of the newly built fortification in Torshavn.

Keywords: Coastal development, Historical geography, Historical
cartography, Historical weather conditions, Faroe Islands,
Storms, The Great Candlemas Storm.

Rolf Guttesen, associate professor, Institute of Geography, University
of Copenhagen, Øster Voldgade 10, DK-1350 Copenhagen
K.

The Faroechart, in the Thresoor der Zeevaert' published by Lucas Janz Waghenaer (1) in Leyden in 1592, (fig. 1) is the first known chart, where the islands are drawn in such a way that it makes them easily recognizable. Earlier

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charts, such as those by Olaus Magnus in 1539 or Mercator in 1569 (2), show the islands in a strangely distorted way, although a closer examination reveals many interesting details.

These early charts are all prepared for Navigational purposes, and must not be evaluated as maps. Lamb (1982) p. 179 tells us that Bristol fishermen were on the Newfoundland Banks as early as 1470 or 1480. In the 16th century, according to Jenkins (1921) p. 66, Basques were hunting whales off Iceland, Greenland and Newfoundland. For the whalers and fishers as well as most merchant ships, the Faroes were just a port of call on the route. Four objects on the Waghenaer-chart are drawn in three-dimensions, like a relief. The southern-most point, on the chart called 'De Monnick', an important landmark when crossing the North Atlantic south of the Faroes, is drawn in this special way. Between Suduroy and Sandoy we find the 'Little dimen', another important landmark in the broad Suduroyarfjørdur (3) where the east-west passage was easy. On Streymoy, the mountain 'Schelling' or Skselingur is thrown into relief because it was the landmark when approaching Torshavn or passing the Faroes through Skopunarfjørdur (4) which, just like Suduroyarfjørdur, is open for the east-west route. Finally, when using the route north off the Faroes, 'De Bisschop' by Fugloy was used as landmark. It is called Bispurin or Stapin in the Faroese language.

This is not the place to examine and discuss the total and impressive amount of information on the Waghenaerchart, but the author will focus on two hitherto unmentioned aspects that it reveals.

Kirkjubøhòlmur and The Great Candlemas Storm

There is an oral tradition among the Faroese, based on an event which is still vivid in their memory. They say that when The Great Candlemas Storm (5) lashed the Faroes and the coast was washed away in some places, while in others new sandbanks or beaches were formed. Dalsgaard (1978) p. 23 has made a short note of what happened. 'During The Great Candlemas Storm, the sound between Kirkjubøholmur and the mainland of Streymoy was made (fig. 2). The Saksun Reef was made, the Sea-serpent was thrown up on Vi6arei6i and the Fuglafjørdur-rocks sank'

(6).

Svabo (1782/1959), in his chapter on whales and fishes p. 74, provides more details on the sea-serpent on Vi<3areicii (7). It was thrown up at a place 40 fathoms above the sea in a storm 'about 90 years ago'. If both Dalsgaard and Svabo are right, The Great Candlemas Storm must have occurred about 1690, but other sources have yet to be confirmed.

On p. 104, Svabo has also added a separate note on this particular Candlemas, where he says that it happened 'in the last century, and presumably during the first half. He admits that 'Saxen, formerly a harbour named in the existing Lagtings-records as 'Saxen-Havn', was filled up with sand'. Svabo is the first known author who, in 1782, uses the designation: 'Kyndilsmessan har<3a' or 'The Great Candlemas Storm'. Neither Tarnovius (1669/1950) nor Debes (1679/1963) mention the name or the event (8).


DIVL964

Fig. 2. Localities mentioned in the discussion on The Great Candlemas Storm.

Their accounts leave us in a dilemma. They point towards two different times, either about 1690 or about 1600. This dispute, or at least part of it, can be settled by information contained in Bagge Wandel's chart (9). It was mainly based on his own observations on the Faroe Islands in 1650, and cartographically it represents a step forward. The name 'Kirkeboholm' is clearly written, indicating an islet or holm just off the coast where the church of Kirkjubøur is situated. To eliminate any doubt, we can cite Wandel's diary, from his journey to the Faroes, that

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was published by Knudsen in 1917. On 29th July 1650,
the day when he visited Kirkjubøur, he wrote 'the little
holm by the Bishop's Palace' (fig. 3).

Thus we can conclude that the separation of Kirkjubøholmur from the mainland at Streymoy must be older than 1650, and the event with the sea-serpent on Viéoy must be related to a period about 1690 or perhaps a little later. Consequently, Dalsgaard's dating must contain events from more than one Candlemas.

N. Andersen (1895/1964) adds a few more details in a footnote (p. 44) where he mentions the incident in Saksun (10). He writes: 'Leynar, Sandur, Husavik and Hvalbøur were in a similar way sanded up; especially harbours (11) exposed to the west were hit'.

Furthermore, oral tradition says that seven beaches (12) 'came up' during The Great Candlemas Storm. They were: Saksun, Leynar, Sandavågur, Nordragøta, Sydragøta, Hvalbøur and Streymnes (13). This tradition explicitly refers to the formation of sand beaches, but J. Patursson (1950) has interesting information on the events in Kirkjubøur, although he avoids mentioning a particular year. He states that the events took place during The Great Candlemas Storm, 'when seven (sic!) other sand beaches were formed in the Faroe Islands' (p. 12). I'll return to Patursson below.

There is only one written source, as far as I know, that tries to fix the event to a definite year (14). Zachariassen (1961) says in a footnote p. 253, that a document from 1603 speaks of a severe winter in 1601-02 causing an extraordinary mortality among the sheep. He continues: 'Presumably this was The Great Candlemas Storm which was followed by bad fishing years' (15). As it will be seen from the quotation, this is Zachariassen's own presumption and further arguments for this alternative are not given (16).

In this case, the Waghenaer-chart can help us to decide
whether Zachariassen is right in his claim that the year
was 1602. A careful study of the chart and a good knowledge


DIVL967

Fig. 3. The Kirkjubøur area with the assumed coastline before The Great Candlemas Storm in 1602. The cross on Fleyggjarsteinur above the Bishop's Seat is assumed to be a parallel to Fløyen in Bergen, as a unique signature on Waghenaer's Norway-chart reveals, (cfr. also note 4).

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of the local conditions has convinced me that the chart, in most details, is on the right scent, although the outline of the islands is somewhat distorted. Details of the shore-line are questionable in the eastern, northern and western outer regions, while the center and south are rather accurate.

At the southern end of Streymoy, we read the placename 'Kirkebines' (Kirkjubønes). The village Kirkjubøur - until the Reformation the episcopal residence - is, curiously enough, not mentioned, not even the symbol for a church. But a little farther north, we read Woleste','Suyderdal' and 'Nortdal' (Velbastadur, Sydradalur and Nordradalur), which follow in the correct order. Off the coast, north-west of 'Kirkebines' but south of 'Woleste', a little holm and four x'es (symbols for skerries or rocks) are indicated. This holm could be Kirkjubøholmur (17). but just north of it there is a ness or point and a bay, drawn very clearly. Furthermore, this is the only bay appearing between Kirkjubønes and the bay off Nordradalur. Hence, if this detail is correct, and I am convinced that it is, we have documentation for the existence of the old Brandansvik (18), and the situation before Kirkjubøholmur was detached from the mainland. Consequently, we may conclude that The Great Candlemas Storm took place after 1592 (Waghenaer), before 1650 (Wandel), and in all probability in 1602 (19). There is one more piece of evidence that makes this year acceptable. H.H. Lamb (1982) p. 215, referring to Schoning (1761), writes that in the Trondheim area in Norway, bad harvest years often came in threes, as in the years 1600-02 and 1632-34. Both periods coincide with registered bad years on the Faroe Islands (20).

But we still have to explain why there is a holm and symbols for rocks south of the Kirkjubø Point on the Waghenaer-chart. Patursson (1950) p. 9 informs us: 'To the south, the Bøbodar were land, and south of the H6lmur the Skerries were a point' It may be stated that this holm must have been the 'Bøbodarnir' before they 'sank' in The Great Candlemas Storm. Today, these submerged rocks are situated just off the coast near the former village Uti å Bø, between Kirkjubøur and Kirkjubønes. He adds 'Brandansvik was at that time a good harbour' (21). The statement 'Bøbodar were land', may be interpreted in two ways. Either they were 'land' in the sense of an islet or a holm, or it was a point. The Waghenaer-chart indicates an oblong holm oriented east-west. But another source, S. Patursson (1971) p. 93, reproduces the oral tradition about St. Brendan and the changes in the coastline in Kirkjubøur, by stating that Kirkjubøur was a good harbour for ships before the point southward from the H6lmur was demolished by the sea, and that it was also to the east 'sheltered by a point stretching directly out from Bøur' (22). There is no doubt that S. Paturson is describing a situation, older than the Waghenaer-chart, when thi« islet off Bøur was connected to the mainland.

Seen in the new perspective, there is a fine correspondence between the oral tradition written down by the brothers S. and J. Patursson, and the information showr on the Waghenaer-chart about the topography of the Kirkjubøur coast before The Great Candlemas Storm.

The sources indicate that two or more incidents have been confused in the tradition handed down concerning The Great Candlemas Storm. The first has already been mentioned, and the conclusion was, that the event with the sea-serpent in Ormadalur on Vidoy, according to Svabo must be placed somewhere about 1690. The other is that the listed bays, Saksun, Leynar, Nordra- and Syéragøta, Sandavågur, Hvalba, Streymnes, Husavik, Sandur and the Fuglfjarearbodar are exposed to different wind directions. Some like Saksun and Kirkjubøur are exposed to westerly winds, others like Hvalba, Hiisavik and the two Gøta's to easterly winds. The problem will be merely outlined here, but I'll not try to propose solutions in this article. Furthermore, it is most unlikely that sand beaches have been absent in some of the mentioned places such as Sandur and Hvalba, before The Great Candlemas Storm. On the other hand, it is hard to see what this hurricane could have caused in the sheltered place of Streymnes.

'De faget tomc simes', 'Greue' and 'Witman'

The place-names on the chart refer to islands, bays, sounds, promontories and villages. There are a few phrases such as 'Dit is hoech lant' and 'Hoech landt' (23) on Sueuroy. Such descriptions were useful to the sailors and are commonly found on other charts in Thresoor'. There is also an inscription in Haraldssund Tn dese Voort coomen vele Wallvisschen' (24), probably for Dutch whalers that used the chart (25). It could also be a reference to the pilot whales that the Faroese were hunting.

However, in four places on the map, all on the island of Streymoy, inscriptions of another kind are found. In the northern part of Streymoy, as a continuation of the village name 'Calbac' (Kaldbak), it reads 'De faget tome simes', and underneath 'Coltfoort' (Kollafjørdur) 'greue' is printed. Above 'Torshaven' is the name 'Witman'. These three designations are not place-names, although both 'Greue' and 'Witman' have been mistaken for placenames by later cartographers. Finally, by 'Torshaven' is the word 'Fordt', which refers to the fortification, usually called Skansin, that was built by the well-known Magnus Heinason in 1579 or 1580 when he was the holder of the trade monopoly on the Faroes for a few years. This last designation is, thus, unproblematic, but the others are, at first sight rather mysterious.

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The first step to solve these riddles has been taken by Svabo, who, on p. 361, makes a comment on the van Keulen-chart from 1734 (26), which he says is most incorrect. Keulen's chart is evidently a compilation of all three charts by Waghenaer (1593), Wandel (1650) and Debes (1673). It includes all the names and the mistakes as well as misspellings. 'No wonder', says Svabo, 'as it, inter pocula (27), is composed in Qvalvig by the sheriff's attorney (landfogdens fuldmægtig) who in such affairs was an unskilled man'. Svabo adds, that the reward offered by Keulen's 'Factor or Commissionair' was that this man managed to get his name added to the chart near Qvalvig (sic!): 'De Våget Toma Simes'. Evidently, Svabo has made a mistake here, as van Keulen merely reproduces the designation from the much older Waghenaer-chart. This fact seems to have been unknown to Svabo (28). Moreover, Svabo's comments, in this case, are exceptional and remarkable, but the real reason is unknown to the author.

Tome Simes is a distortion of Thomas Simonsen who was, without doubt, the royal farmer, and copyholder of two large farms in Kaldbak, as mentioned in the first register of royal land in 1584 and later(29). At that time he was the sheriff for Streymoy syssla (syslumaeur) (30) and juryman (løgrættumaéur) (31). Later he was elected lawman (10gma(3ur), which was the highest post in the country in those days. He died in 1608. It was the custom in those days, for the ordinary sheriff (landfuti) to be a foreigner who seldom, if ever, visited the islands during the summer. When absent, he was represented by an attorney or 'winter' sheriff (vetrarfuti). The phrase, 'De faget tome simes', which at the first sight seems rather mysterious, just means The sheriff Thomas Simonsen'. In the word 'faget' a is a misspelt as o. In Danish, the designation for sheriffis 'foged' (Faroese: futi). The same word is found in the Dutch language today as 'voogd', meaning guardian (32), and in German, where it is a common surname 'Vogt'.

'Greue', or 'Greffue', as it is written in other documents, also refers to another well-known person, and not a placename as many later charts would indicate. Greue, in modern Danish 'greve', meaning count or earl, is a surname or nickname denoting wealth. A. Degn (1945) pp. 85-86 tells us that in the Royal Cadaster of 1584, a certain Niels Joensen Greffue was a copyholder in Kollafjøro'ur of not less than 4 royal farms with his residence on the farmstead called vid Sjogv. His allodial property is not registered.

Niels Joensen was neither the first nor the only 'Greffue' that lived in Kollafjørdur. The oldest existing Lawting record, the 'Tingbokin' from 1614-1654 p. 51, refers to a document from 1557, where a certain 'Joen Guttormsen Greffue udi Koldefiord' is named as a witness at a trial. This Joen Guttormsen is certainly Niels Joensen's father. Matras (1951) p. 78 mentions another Greffue, who lived in 1761 as a copyholder in the village of vi<3 Sjogv on Eysturoy (33).

Niels Joensen was a juryman, just like Thomas Simonsen, and they are mentioned together several times in the records of the Løgting, where they supported the said Magnus Heinason in several court cases.

The name 'Witman' is not possible to interpret with certainty. It can be a misinterpretation of the name Wichman. A certain Joachim Wichman, who was a Hamburg merchant, came in possession of the trading monopoly on the Faroes in 1586, along with Oluf Madsen of Copenhagen. It is possible that he had connections with the Faroes before this time.

From this information, we may conclude, that these two historical characters, Thomas Simonsen of Kaldbak, and Niels Joensen of Kollafjørdur, have somehow contributed to the Waghenaer-chart. But how the information, probably as a chart, came to Holland is unclear. One possibility is that Magnus Heinason, who, according to Madsen (1990), was in the service of Moritz of Oranien in the period 1568 to 1578, took a chart to Holland. But this is unlikely as the 'Fordt' in Torshavn is indicated on the chart and it was not built by Magnus Heinason until after his return to the Faroes. Another possibility is that Thomas Simonsen and Niels Joensen had contact with Dutch skippers or merchants that frequently visited the islands in those days, or with Hamburg shipping companies that had connections with Joachim Wichman.

CONCLUSIONS

The Waghenaer-chart has thrown new light on geographical and historical matters relating to the Faroe Islands. It documents the essence of the oral tradition of The Great Candlemas Storm. It happened on the 2nd february 1602 (Julian Calendar, or on 13th february Gregorian Calendar). It documents that Kirkjubøholmur, by this event, became separated from the mainland, and before this time the point had been the western arm of Brandansvik and that Bøbodarnir to the south must have been land. Two mysterious inscriptions on the chart have been solved: 'De faget tome simes' just means: The sheriff Thomas Simonsen, and 'greue' is not a place-name but the juryman Niels Joensen who was nicknamed Greivin. These inscriptions, the cartographic accuracy of the southern and central parts of the islands, and the clarified historical circumstances all indicate that an older chart or map must have existed.



Notes

1. Reprinted in Nørlund (1944) along with a description p. 15-17 in the original Dutch language.

2. These two charts are also found in Nørlund (1944).

3. On the Mercator charts from 1554 and 1595, as reproduced in Nørlund (1944), we find two fiord-names, at first sight fantastic names, 'Diamanten sund' and 'Biscops sund'. My interpretation is, that these names are not pure fantasy, but relate to the only two Faroese fjords that are open when a ship approaches the islands from the east or west. Diamanten sund' is Suduroyarfjørdur, where the two small, yet high, islands Stora og Litla Dimun have given their names to the fjord: Dimun distorted to Diamant. This is evident as the Mercator-chart of this fjord has two islands as landmarks called 'Diamanten scopuli'. The 'Biscops sund' is in Faroese called Skopunarfjørdur. The Dutch name derives from the fact that the Bishop's Seat, the ruin of the impressive cathedral, as well as the whitewashed parish church, were seen here. This presumption is strengthened by the fact, that the only church symbol on the chart is placed on the island north of this fjord. Perhaps the name 'Dumo', that Nørlund interpreted as a misspelling of Dimun, is not at all an island name, but a distortion of Dom in the sense of Cathedral, which fits in well with its nearness to 'Biscops sund'.

Side 27


10. Regarding the period, he also refers to the first part of the 17th century. According to local tradition, he says that a Dutch skipper tried to enter the Saxen Havn, unaware that it had been filled with sand during the winter, and his ship stranded there. The anchor could still be seen in 1775.

11. It is interesting to see that Andersen here uses the term 'harbours'. Saksun is generally known to be a contraction of Saks-havn, as already indicated by Svabo p. 378. Ley nar is also a harbour place-name, as first explained by A. Thorsteinsson in Mondul, 1988. The supposed original name should have been Laun-hafn, or the secret harbour. This explanation was already suggested by R. Guttesen (1974) in a non-published manuscript, that referred to A. Degn (1945) p. 55 who recites the oldest Royal Cadastre where Leynar is called 'Lønnhaffne'.

12. Beaches, in Faroese Lair, the plural of Logv.

13. Information from Sofus Hansen and Tryggvi Hansen, both from Leynar.

14. lam thankful to Joan Hendrik W. Poulsen who turned my attention to the tiny footnote in Louis Zachariassen's ode. Poul Petersen (1974) p. 73 mentions The Great Candlemas Storm and the year 1602, but he does not refer to any source. Petersen is very imprecise in his references. In this case, I must classify him as a secondary source. Petersen does not even mention Zachariassen in his list of references, although he, without any doubt, knew his book.

4. To the landmarks mentioned in note 3, we have to add one more. On the different maps (1899-1989) of the Kirkjubøur area, we find the Fleyggjarsteinur, sometimes called Bispasteinur. Poulsen (1981) interprets this place-name as an analogue to Fløyen or Fløyfjellet in Bergen, where in ancient times a vane was placed to show the direction of the wind. Different old documents from 1669 and onwards, cited in Poulsen's article, describe it as a high and visible wooden pole with a cross-beam fitted with a streamer on the top. Studies of Waghenaer's Norway-charts, reproduced in Knudsen (1915), reveal an unique symbol on a hill near Bergen. It is a cross, and undoubtedly this is the Fløyen on Fløyfjellet, that also was served as a landmark, as L. Holberg writes 'som giver en sær anseelse for dennem, som kommer seilendes ind ad byen' (from Poulsen's article, without reference). This makes it probable that a similar cross, as a bishop's mark, with a streamer, was placed by the Fleyggjarsteinur above Kirkjubøur, and that it was used both as weathercock and navigation mark. On fig. 3 an attempt has been made to transfer the Fløy or cross symbol on Waghenaer's Norway-chart to Fleyggjarsteinur above Kirkjubøur.

15. In 1983,1 asked the royal farmer i Kirkjubø, Pall Patursson, if he knew about The Great Candlemas Storm. Without hesitation he answered: '2nd February 1602'. Whether he was referring to Zachariassen's information or local tradition is not known. His great-grandfather, Joannes Patursson does not mention it in his 'Kirkjubøar søga', but this posthumous publication was just the first volume of a planned five-volume ode. The interesting information given in Patursson's saga (1950) will be treated later in the text.

16. Informants from the village of Leynar have two other suggestions. The first is from 1614, according to the local farmer Jacob Jacobsen, reiterated by Tryggvi and Sofus Hansen. The second suggestion, (information from David Hansen), is from the second half of the 16th century, perhaps 1560. According to the evidence that follows in this article, this second alternative must be too early.

5. Candlemas is celebrated on the 2nd February.

6. Original text: 'Å kyndilsmessuni hørdu kom sund millum Kirkjubøholm og land: Rivid kom i Saksun, Ormurin kom å Vidareidi og Fuglfjardarbodar sukku'. The 'Ormurin' is explained by Matras (1933) p.221: Tn relation to the placename Ormadalur, that cannot be especially old (cfr. the young form of the genitiv), it refers to the sea-serpent that - according to the legend - was thrown up in the valley by the breakers'.

17. Ina broadcast in Utvarp Føroya in 1985,1 used this symbol for a 'holm' as an argument for the hypothesis that The Great Candlemas Storm had to be earlier than the Waghaener-chart, and thereby earlier than 1602. However, while working on this article, I have discovered new aspects of the chart which have changed my opinion.

18. Brandansvik, or Brandarsvik as it is sometimes spelt, is still used as a place-name. It appears on 'Kort- og Matrikelstyrelsens' (earlier Geodætisk Instituts) 1:20.000 maps published, in 1989. It indicates a cove south of the village. According to Chapman (1973), St. Brendan's voyage started from Ireland in 564 A.D. after which he visited the Faroe Islands the same year.

7. My attention turned to this passage when I received Tllvedurshendinger' (1989) from the author Petur Zachariassen.

8. Tarnowius and Debes are the first authors living on the islands to have delivered topographic descriptions of the Faroes.

9. Wandel's Chart was reprinted in Nørlund (1944). It is the base of several later charts, among which L. Debes's is the best known. On Debes's chart, all the place-name mistakes of the Wandel-chart have been corrected.

19. It could also be the year 1614, as mentioned in Note 11, but there is no other indication that there ever was a Candlemas storm that year.

Side 28


20. The Lawting register informs us that the winter 1632-33 was very bad and cold, and that the following spring was not less bitter (Løgtingsbokin 1614-54).

21. The original text, referring to a hand-drawn map in the book:'Fyri sunnan, tad sæst ikki å kortinum, voru Bøbodai land, sudur av Holminum voru Skergardarnir, ein tangi'. In the original text, Patursson includes a lot of place-names along with exact positions and names of dwellings, outhouses and paths.

22. The original text in full: Kirkjubø finna vit Brandansvik aftur. Harav kunnu vit ætla, at Brandan er komin til Føroya, og fyrst er komin i land i Kirkjubø, sum fyrr, ådrenn tangin sudur av Holminum var nidurbrotin av brimi (ta<s sum nu kailast Skergardurin og liggur undir vatni), var ein god skipshavn, sum eisini eystanfyri var vard av einum armi, sum gekk beint ut fra Bø'.

23. May be translated as:This is high land' and 'High land'.

24. To this fjord, many whales come'

25. This information could also be a direct copy of one of the glaring features of the Olaus Magnus's chart that shows a monster whale, caught in one of the northern fjords near 'De Bischop'.

26. Keulen's map has been reproduced in Nørlund (1944), sheet 15.

27. 'inter pocula': between the drinks (or drinking bouts).

28. Svabo p. 361 lists four charts or maps: Lucas Debes's (1673), Commandeur Juel's (1709-10), van Keulen's (1734) and Floor's (1781).

29. Degn (1945) p. 91.

30. According to a document referred to by Zachariassen (1961) p. 193. Syslumadur is, in this case, written in Danish as 'herredsfoged'.

31. Zachariassen (1961) p. 194.

32. Van Goor's klein Deens Woordenboek. While working with this problem, I received inspiration and help from stud, scient. Pieter van den Keur who studies at our Geographical Institute.

33. Matras (1951), page 78: 'Rasmus Joensen hin riki, Greivin vid Sjogv'.

References

Andersen, N. (1895/1964): Færøerne 1600-1709. København/
Torshavn.

Chapman, P.H. (1973): The Man who led Columbus to America.Atlanta,
Georgia.

Dalsgaard, J. (1978): Søgur og Søgubrot. Torshavn.

Debes, Lucas J. (1673/1963): Færoæ & Færoa Reserata. København/Torshavn.

Degn, A. (1945): Færøske Kongsbønder. Torshavn.

Guttesen, R. (1974): Landafrødilig litlegging av åvisum stadanavnasambondum.
Unpublished manuscript. København.

Jenkins, J. T. (1921):A History of the Whale Fisheries. London.

Kejlbo, I.R. (1985): Hvussu Føroyar eru teknadar å kort fra 1200
talinum og fram moti okkara døgum. Torshavn.

Knudsen, Jons. (1915): Den norske kyst fra Bergen til Langesund.
Tidsskrift for Søvæsen. 86. arg. 1915. Tavle 1.

Knudsen, Johs. (1917): Bagge Wandels Journal 1650 og hans
Færø-Kort. Tidsskrift for Søvæsen. 88. arg. 1917, pp. 145-172.

Lamb, H.H. (1982): Climate, History & the Modern World.
London and 11 New York.

Løgtingsbbkin 1614-1654. Edited and published by E. Joensen
1953. Torshavn.

Madsen, H. (1990): Færøerne i 1000 år. Vadum.

Matros, Chr. (1933): Stednavne på de Færøske Norduroyar.
København.

Matras, C. (l 951): Guttormur i Miila i søgn og skrift. Utiseti vol
VI, p76-93. København.

Nørlund, N.E. (1944): Færøernes Kortlægning. København.

Patursson, J. (1950): Vid okunnugum folki til Kirkjubøar. Torshavn.

Patursson, S. (1945): Fyrstnevndi ma<sur, id kemur til Føroya.
Vardin vol. 24. (Repr. in S. Patursson (1971).

Patursson, S. (1971): Fram vid Sugguni. Torshavn.

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